Nevertheless, the company is particularly opaque about its operations in Ontario. There is no way for the public to know how much revenue the company earns from its three mines in the province. The annual reports include nickel operations in the Sudbury area with other “nickel facilities” in Quebec and Norway, which are their “integrated nickel operations.” Similarly, its Kidd Creek copper-zinc mine near Timmins is only part of the company`s much larger “North American zinc plants,” including the Bracemac-McLeod mine in Matagami Quebec, the CEZ refinery in Valleyfield, Quebec, and the Brunswick Lead Smelter in Belledune, New Brunswick. Given the structure of the mining tax, the obvious question arises: if a company does not pay mining tax, how much revenue can a First Nation signatory expect in return? After all, 40 percent out of 0 0! The problem is getting worse, payments of the business and mining-specific business tax are confidential under the Mining Tax Act. After decentralization, will Aboriginal governments be forced to abandon the resources they already receive from public spaces? No no. The resource revenues that Aboriginal governments already receive from public lands are part of settlements obtained with the Canadian government. The GNWT provides Aboriginal governments with additional resources from public lands throughout the territory. Aboriginal people will also benefit from the remaining share of GNWT in the resources that will be used for the benefit of all NWT residents. Yes, yes. The Gwich`in, Sahtu and Tuch-agreements represent a portion of the resources harvested on public lands in the Mackenzie Valley. The government is also entitled to a share of public land resources through an interim resource development agreement.
For more information, please visit our page on resource-sharing regulations in existing agreements. “Over the 2012-2016 period, governments deducted an average of $22 billion per year from the natural resource sectors. In Canada, over the next 10 years, 418 major resource projects are under construction or planned, for an investment of $585 billion.  It turns out that RRS will not be based at all on the company`s own mining taxes. A senior policy advisor to the Minister of Energy, Northern Development and Mines said by email: “Specific mine tax and licensing data for each mine in the province is not available by company or mine and is not used to calculate mining funds in resource-sharing agreements.” We want a model that serves all communities, but most importantly, keeps a promise, so that northern communities, both Aboriginal communities and Aboriginal communities that are not currently covered by a revenue-sharing agreement, begin to capture the resources of what we contribute to Ontario`s economy. Ken Coates, the first member of the MacDonald Laurier Institute, collaborated with Stephen Crozier of IAMGOLD Corporation by writing an incandescent editorial in The Globe and Mail and calling RRS a “transformative development” that would change “the foundations of resource development in Ontario.” Coates and Crozier praised the agreements for their simplicity and found that the details were “straight.” Under the SPP, the province will distribute 45 per cent of forest land royalties and 40 per cent of mining tax payments to participating First Nations to participating First Nations “without strings.” Here we are in the 21st century and the sharing of resources on the basis of title recognition is a reality in some legal orders.